Answer InCanasatego, leader of the Onondaga nation and spokesman for the Iroquois Confederation, advised the British colonists:
Introduction What is the story of the Ethiopian federal experiment? What stories does it tell? And what stories can be told about it? I will Two founding nations thesis discuss what to look for in a federal system as its fundamental features.
I do this in order to determine whether the tale is of two federations in the strict sense. Throughout this piece, I argue that the story of apartheid and the story of the Ethiopian federal experiment form two stories, two different tales, of repressive governance systems, not one. For the story of apartheid is not a story of a federation.
It is a story of a relentless pursuit of ethno-cultural justice by subaltern folks who took a stride towards emancipation through self-determination. In excavating this story and responding to the inapt association with apartheid, I will mainly rely on a close reading of the Ethiopian constitution along with its immediate antecedents and the story it tells about both the past and the future so that we can locate the federalism in that story.
By so doing, I will also highlight, in passing, how different the assumptions, principles, and goals that motivated apartheid are from their counterparts in Ethiopia.
Consequently, its detractors have more terms with which to denounce it than its proponents have to ennoble it.
This in turn has disaffected many a federalist forcing them to retract their initial support for the federal dispensation. But to help us get a more complete picture, it is important to identify some of the misconceptions that cloud our vision of the federal arrangement. It is important to stress that the criticisms marshalled against the federal arrangement are buttressed and reinforced by the misconceptions that surround it.
Consequently, the discursive undermining of the federal system relies on and contributes back to the old narrative that privileges the core over the periphery, the center over the margin, the dominant self over the subaltern other. This dominant narrative that is deployed to undermine the federal experiment feeds from and feeds into several misconceptions about the federal arrangement.
This misconception has often led to the confusion about the model of state-and nation-building aspired for under the federal dispensation. The mistaking of regime transition for state transformation is another misconception usually entertained among the political elites of the regime in power.
The change of regime, some assume, is also a change of the infrastructure of inequality that is the foundation of the Ethiopian imperial state. As a result, they denounce the quest for ethno-cultural justice and the demand for self-determination as irrelevant in post-Derg Ethiopia.
More importantly, it recognizes the co-eval presence and co-equal participation in the founding of the republic. This misunderstanding of foundational issues is one of the misconceptions that are unaccounted for in the discourse on federalism and in the many instances of undermining it.
To some people, just because Amharic is the working language of the Federal government, it follows that everyone speaks, or should speak, Amharic. They hardly understand that Amharic is the language of the federal officials and institutions, not the language of the Ethiopian peoples other than the Amhara people.
It should be emphasized, then, that Finfinne is an Oromo city that is also serving as the seat of the Federal Government. It should have been clear by now that the city is not a designated federal district or federal territory.
In fact, no territory is directly the territory of the federal government for domestic legal and political purposes. For international law purposes, the federal government represents Ethiopia as a country that claims the territory of its constituent states as its territory art 2.
Moreover, one frequently meets people who mistake federalism for decentralized governance. These people fail to realize that federalism is not only a decentralized government but also non-centralized mode of governance. This misconception leads most people to confuse the states with the provinces Kiflate-Hager, or Teklay-Gizat of olden days, especially in the area of inter-governmental relations.
This understanding has led to the treatment of the federal government as superior to state governments, federal laws as superior to state laws, federal institutions as superior to state institutions. The Constitutional Context In this sketchy description, I will focus on the founding, the goals, the principles, and assumptions of the Ethiopian federation.
I will also limit myself to a quick, if veiled, identification of some of the institutions created for operationalizing the principles of self-rule and shared rule.
As has been hinted at in earlier sections, the opening statement makes it clear that federal Ethiopia is a multinational republic co-founded by co-equal and co-eval sovereign entities that wield constitutive authority. The sovereignty that found its loci in the constituent nations is later re-stated as one of the fundamental principles of the constitution article 8.
This sovereignty is already exercised when it was operationalized through self-determination also recognized as a right later in art 39 supposedly through for me, the flawed election that led to the establishment of the constituent assembly in The primary goal of the federal set up is to speak to a history of uneven relationships among the various constituent nations.West has spent the better part of a very productive life studying the American founding as deeply as anyone ever could.
The result is the most important political book published in my lifetime, a distinction I expect it will hold even if I live another half century.
Joseph J. Ellis’s Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation was critically and commercially well received. In addition to receiving positive reviews, Ellis won the Pulitzer Prize in The first founding created a league of nations that assiduously guarded the sovereignty of states.
The first founding, in turn, embraced a decided bias for states’ rights, and correspondingly, an understanding of the union as a charter of ancient rights.
The two-founding thesis, then, also explains why originalists often view the. Tag: ‘Two-Nations’ Thesis The South African Working Class and the National Democratic Revolution. Posted on December 6, December 6, by CraigThompsonZA.
At its founding conference in , the ANC issued a clarion call for African unity under the slogan, We Are One People.
As head of the liberation alliance, .
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In his book The Protestant Work Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (, translated into English in ), Max Weber first posited the thesis that the Protestant work ethic has opened the door.